CLICK TO ENLARGEThursday, December 2, 2010
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Sunday, October 24, 2010
Wednesday, October 20, 2010
MINORITY DEVELOPMENT, RESERVATIONS AND BENGAL LEFT FRONT GOVT – III: Moinul Hassan
A NATIONWIDE debate has been going on concerning the extent of aid that will be rendered to Muslims through provision of 15 per cent reservation in employment and education. West Bengal is not outside this discussion. In the meantime, in the month of December 2009 Justice Ranganath Mishra's recommendations were placed in the parliament. The main features of the recommendations were as follows:
1. In the matter of criteria for identifying backward classes, there should be absolutely no discrimination whatsoever between the majority community and the minorities; and, therefore, the criteria now applied for this purpose to the majority community – whatever that criteria may be – must be unreservedly applied also to all the minorities.
2. All those classes, sections and groups among the minorities should be treated as backward whose counterparts in the majority community are regarded as backward under the present scheme of things.
3. All those social and vocational groups among the minorities who but for their religious identity would have been covered by the present net of Scheduled Castes should be unquestionably treated as socially backward, irrespective of whether the religion of those other communities recognises the caste system or not.
4. The groups among the minorities whose counterparts in the majority community are at present covered by the net of Scheduled Tribes should also be included in that net; and also, more specifically, members of the minority communities living in any Tribal Area from pre-independence days should be also included irrespective of their ethnic characteristics.
5. As the meaning and scope of Article 30 of the Constitution has become quite uncertain, complicated and diluted due to their varied and sometimes conflicting judicial interpretations, the commission recommend that a comprehensive law should be enacted without delay to detail all aspects of minorities' educational rights under that provision with a view to reinforcing its original dictates in letter and spirit.
6. As by the force of judicial decisions, the minority intake in minority educational institutions has, in the interest of national integration, been restricted to about 50 per cent, thus virtually earmarking the remaining 50 per cent or so for the majority community – the commission strongly recommend that, by the same analogy and for the same purpose, at least 15 per cent seats in all non-minority educational institutions should be earmarked by law for the minorities. The break up within the recommended 15 per cent earmarked seats in institutions shall be 10 per cent for the Muslims.
7. As regards the backward sections among all the minorities, the commission recommend that the concessions now available in terms of lower eligibility criteria for admission and lower rate of fee, now available to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, should be extended also to such sections among the minorities.
8. In respect of the Muslims – who are the largest minority at the national level with a country-wide presence and yet educationally the most backward of the religious communities, the commission recommend that select institutions in the country like the Aligarh Muslim University and the Jamia Milia Islamia should be legally given a special responsibility to promote education at all levels to Muslim students by taking all possible steps for this purpose. At least one such institution should be selected for this purpose in each of those states and Union Territories which has a substantial Muslim population.
9. In the funds to be distributed by the Maulana Azad Educational Foundation, a suitable portion should be earmarked for the Muslims proportionate to their share in the total minority population. Out of this portion, funds should be provided not only to the existing Muslim institutions but also for setting up new institutions from nursery to the highest level and for technical and vocational education anywhere in India but especially in the Muslim-concentration areas.
10. Anganwadis, Navodaya Vidyalayas and other similar institutions should be opened under their respective schemes especially in each of the Muslim-concentration areas and Muslim families be given suitable incentives to send their children to such institutions.
11. As many minorities groups specialise in certain household and small scale industries, the commission recommended that an effective mechanism should be adopted to work for the development and modernisation of all such industries and for a proper training of artisans and workmen among the minorities – especially among the Muslims among whom such industries, artisans and workmen are in urgent need of developmental assistance.
12. As the largest minority of the country, the Muslims, as also some other minorities have a scant or weak presence in the agrarian sector, the commission recommend that special schemes should be formulated for the promotion and development of agriculture, agri-economy and agricultural trade among them.
13. It recommended that effective ways should be adopted to popularise and promote all the self-employment and income-generating schemes among the minorities and to encourage them to benefit form such schemes.
14. The commission recommend that a 15 per cent share be earmarked for the minorities – with a break-up of 10 per cent for the Muslim (commensurate with their 73 per cent share of the former in the total minority population at the national level) – and 5 per cent for the other minorities in all government schemes like Rural Employment Generation Programme, Prime Minister’s Rozgar Yojna, Grameen Rozgar Yojna, etc.
15. Since the minorities – especially the Muslims – are very much under-represented, and sometimes wholly unrepresented, in government employment, the commission recommended that they should be regarded as backward in this respect within the meaning of that term as used in Article 16 (4) of the Constitution – notably without qualifying the word ‘backward’ with the words “socially and educationally” – and that 15 per cent of posts in all cadres and grades under the central and state governments should be earmarked. The break up within the recommended 15 per cent shall be 10 per cent for the Muslims.
16. It recommended that the reservations are to be extended to the Scheduled Tribes, which is a religion-neutral class, should be carefully examined to assess the extent of minority presence in it and remedial measures should be initiated to correct the imbalance if any.
17. The commission recommended that as the Constitution of India guarantees freedom of conscience and religious freedom as a Fundamental Right, once a person has been included in a Scheduled Caste list, a wilful change of religion on his part should not effect adversely his or her Scheduled Caste status.
18. The commission felt that in order to enact the recommendations, there is no need for amending the Constitution. The enactment can be done through parliamentary and administrative orders.
Another significant recommendation of the Ranganath Mishra commission states “We recommend that para 3 of the Constitution (Schedule Castes) order - 1950, which originally restricted it to Sikhs and Buddhists, thus still excluding from its purview the Muslims, Christians, Jains and Parsis etc, should be wholly deleted by appropriate action so as to completely de-link Scheduled Caste status from religion and make the Scheduled Castes also religion-neutral on the lines of STs.
The other major recommendations of the commission are regarding creation of Parliamentary committee; a Task Force at the state level to look into the minority affairs; and a Minority Welfare Committee in minority districts.
If we deeply look into the recommendations we will see that mainly three types of recommendations are there. Firstly, directly reserve 15 per cent for the minorities in education and employment and out of this 10 per cent for the Muslims and the rest 5 per cent for the other minorities. Secondly, if that cannot be done then look into OBC reservations of 22 per cent. Within the OBCs, the minorities are 8.4 per cent. So, out of the 22 per cent OBC reservation, 8.4 per cent can be reserved for the minorities. And out of this, 6 per cent will be for the Muslims and the rest 2.4 per cent for other minorities. Thirdly, the scheduled caste list be made secular. Engaged in the same work reservations will be there for Hindu Scheduled castes and it will not apply for Muslims is a strange phenomenon.
BENGAL GOVT RESPONSE
The chief minister of West Bengal, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, welcomed the Justice Ranganath Mishra report immediately after it was published. And on 8 February, he announced 10 per cent reservations in government jobs for socially, economically and educationally backward Muslims belonging to the OBC list. At present in West Bengal, 7 per cent reservation exists for the OBCs. That will now be reaching 17 per cent. The families whose annual income is Rs 4.5 lakh or above are to be treated as creamy layer and excluded from the ambit of reservation. At present, the reservation will hold good for jobs only. Whether it will be extended to education or not will be decided later and the mechanism will be worked out then. At present 70 groups are there among the OBCs in Bengal. Some more have appealed to the Backward Development Commission. There are chances of some of them getting incorporated within the list shortly.
The entire process has to go through three stages. Firstly, those Muslim groups are to be identified who can come under the OBC list. Secondly, the creamy layer has to be excluded and thirdly, they have to be given certificates without any problem.
Muslims constitute one-fourth of the total population of the state. Almost 10 per cent Muslims are within the OBC list. Out of the present 70 groups, 13 groups are Muslims. Those in the list are jola (ansari-momin), potidar, kasai, noshya, seikh, paharia-muslim, kujra, sershabadi, hajam, beldar, khetta, sarkar, chaudhuli.
Many more can come in the list namely ‘guri’ people who catch small fishes. Their counterparts among the Hindus are in the Scheduled Caste list. In my own village, a locality was there called Guripara. In this, the Muslims lived by catching fish and selling it. Very recently, I was travelling from Beliaghata to Sealdah in Kolkata and suddenly came across Gurimahal para before getting on the Sealdah bridge. I went down and asked the people in and around there. I came to know that once Muslim Bengali fishermen stayed there. After partition, they caught a train from Sealdah through Banpur upto Moimonsingha in Bangladesh. They never returned only leaving their name which still happens to identify that area. I have seen roads in Baharampore, Murshidabad by the same name.
Very less in number but dhukris still remain. The name itself is strange to hear. Our mothers and grandmothers were fond of stiching “kathas”. The embroidery of the kathas is a very delicate artwork. A similar type of inflated thing called” dhokra” were also made using unused clothings. The makers of this product are called dhukris and they are still found in Murshidabad, Malda and in Amdanga (North 24 Parganas). They also can come in the OBC list. Khalifas are makers of umbrellas. From the Dewansai area in Murshidabad they have spread to different parts of the state and the country. Anyhow, I will not go on furnishing more examples. The groups that can come under OBC list may be like this: mandal, sikdar, majumdar, tatia, kolu, molla, guri, dhukri, pechi, ghoshi, mahaladar, aabdaal, bosni, kankhalifa, behara, dai, sanakar, turki, malo, sabjiwala, mahefras, dhuli etc.
The work of inclusion has picked up pace. People can appeal either through the form available on the commission’s website or on a plain white paper. The commission will have a hearing and thereby decide upon. The commission has the right to call any group and make decisions. It can be said that a large section of Muslim groups will be incorporated in the OBC list once it is finalised.
WHY SUCH A RESPONSE
What are the reasons behind such an announcement of the West Bengal Left Front government? The first consideration is the Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) of the Constitution that speak for such reservations. Secondly, the backwardness of the Muslims is a hard fact that is apparent without the commission’s report also. Hindus and Muslims live together and everybody is well aware about the day to day realities. The much discussed and debated Sachhar Committee report has stated that the socio economic conditions of the Muslims are in a real bad shape and needs to be rectified on an urgent basis. Thirdly, the summary of the Ranganath Mishra recommendations has argued for reservations directly.
Many people ask whether reservations exists for Muslims in other states of the country. The answer is no. Before the Constitution was amended in 1950, there were reservations in states like Travancore, Saurashtra and Mysore, keeping the social considerations in mind. Before the finalisation of the Constitution in the Constituent Assembly, personalities like Jawharlal Nehru, B R Ambedkar and K M Munshi spoke in favour of cancelling all existing reservations and formulate something afresh. But unanimity was not achieved. At that point of time, framing the Constitution was the most important consideration for the country and it was adopted. And it is precisely for this reason that there are reservations on the basis of religion in some states like Kerala and it is continuing since before independence.
In the states of Tamilnadu, Bihar and Karnataka, within the OBC list another list called MBC (most backward communities) list have been created. In Tamilnadu and Bihar, nearly 95 per cent Muslims have been brought under reservations. It is well known to us that recently the Andhra Pradesh government spoke of 5 per cent reservation for the Muslims, which was turned down by the state High Court. The Supreme Court again has taken somewhat positive stand in this regard. The complete verdict is yet to come and we are looking hopefully to the honourable Supreme Court.
The government at the centre seems to be not in a hurry even after the publication of the Ranganath Mishra report. It has so far not even placed the action taken report. The most important thing now is that the central government needs to speak in a frank manner. Muslim organisations and eminent personalities met recently in Delhi and they have adopted a resolution which states “The participants are convinced that reservation has become a universally accepted device for equalising opportunities in heterogeneous and multi-segmented societies. If equality and justice reach the weaker sections, they are equally convinced that within the democratic framework all deprived and frustrated groups have a right to place their problems before the bar of the nation and receive their share in the national pie.”
Along with this the resolution mentions “the participants pay their tribute to the Sachhar Committee which diagnosed the malice and to the Mishra Commission which has prescribed the panacea and urge the government, the secular parties and the parliament to dispense the remedial measure urgently.” So, everybody is eagerly looking towards the central government though no positive steps have been taken by them in this regard so far.
We need to conclude our discussion here. The development of the minorities in West Bengal is not a stray incident. It has been an integral part of the democratic movement. It is driven from the understanding that we have to take decisions standing on the firm realities. We have to take separate initiatives for the backward Minorities and it will overall strengthen our process of development.
Some speak of minority appeasement. We, as Leftists, believe that the minorities are persons not to be looked down upon and they are a people craving for justice. With this belief, all our works are to be planned. In West Bengal, the Left Front government does not look at the religion of the common man while bringing about changes in their lives. The poor people have been the greatest consideration of the government. Muslims, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are comparatively more poor, so their development needs to be prioritised. And, if for that some people raise the slogan of appeasement, they will definitely be isolated from the people.
Development will be ensured through the path of mass movement. The Left has always believed in the development of common man, independent of caste, creed, religion, language, race etc and will continue to do so. In no way can we be deviated from our ideals.
Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org
Saturday, October 16, 2010
Thursday, October 14, 2010
Monday, October 4, 2010
HEMANTA MUKHOPADHYAY, SUCHITRA MUKHOPADHYA AND DEBBRATA BISWAS - THE TRIO OF PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT IN WEST BENGAL
LETTER PUBLISHED IN THE GANASHAKTI DATED 02-10-2010
Monday, September 27, 2010
FORMER ASSISTANT OF KISHENJI REVEALS “TRINAMOOL PROVIDES LIST, MAOISTS CARRY OUT EXECUTION” - N S Arjun from West Medinipur
THAT the Trinamool Congress is hand in glove with the 'Maoists' in Bengal is common knowledge. It has been proved repeatedly through their actions – the close coordination of activity by the TMC with the 'Maoist' frontal organisation PCPA, the coming to defence of PCPA leader Chhatradhar Mahato, the demands for withdrawal of central forces, the 'Maoists' endorsement of Mamata Banarjee as chief minister etc.
But now proof comes from two persons who joined the 'Maoists' with the sole aim of escaping death and have now escaped from their clutches. One of them, Mongol Mahato belonging to Nutandehi village in Salboni, in fact worked for the top 'Maoist' leader, Kishenji, as an assistant for around two months. They stayed in the jungle along with the 'Maoists' and had witnessed many of their barbaric actions.
Presently, taking shelter outside their village, these two persons spoke to People's Democracy recently on their experience with the 'Maoists'. When the 'Maoists' entered their village last year, they had threatened to kill Mongol Mahato, along with many others they suspected of being CPI (M) supporters. After being underground for few days, Mahato approached the TMC-'Maoists' and professed to work for them. They made him participate in meetings and rallies in the village. Later he was taken into the jungle where he got an opportunity to work for the notorious Kishenji for around two months. He used to make tea for them and also worked as a barber for Kishenji.
Asked to describe what he saw during this period, Mahato told us that the Trinamool leaders would regularly drop by and hold talks with Kishenji for hours together. There would also be leaders from the PCPA participating in such meetings. They used to provide list of CPI (M) workers to be killed in such meetings. He says PCPA, its armed outfit, the Gana Militia, and 'Maoists' are all one and the same with different nomenclature. Asked why he chose to desert them, Mahato said that he could not bear to see ordinary village folk – the tribals, agricultural labourers, petty vendors etc – being tortured brutally and shot after being tied to the trees in the jungle. They were usually suspected of being police informers or being supporters of CPI (M).
The other such person, Sapan Chalok, also from the same village, recounted his story. He was also threatened with death by TMC-'Maoists' goons when they took over the village. By then all CPI (M) leaders had left the village and sensing danger to himself and his family, he approached a known TMC contact and professed to work for them. He not only participated in meetings in his village but was also taken to nearby villages to take part in activity, including to Kolsibhanga where many CPI (M) supporters and workers were killed by TMC-'Maoists'. He worked as an informer to them on the developments in the villages.
“TMC leaders used to conduct secret meetings with the 'Maoists' in the jungles. They used to torture innocent villagers until their demands were met”, said Sapan Chalok. He also cited the same reason as Mahato for leaving the 'Maoists', adding that he never went with them willingly but only to save his and his family's lives.
BRUTAL TORTURE
As part of creating terror among the villagers and ensure their frightened support, the TMC-'Maoist' goons indulged in brutal torture of CPI (M) supporters and others whom they doubted. They organised a so-called people's court in Dakhinsole village near Pirakata. This was a place with a small rocky surface on the outskirts of the village and nearby the jungle. They used to order that at least ten people from nearby twenty villages must attend the “sessions” of this court. Jaba Singh, whose father Nalin Singh was severely beaten in one such session, told us that the “accused” in these court were usually those they suspected of being police informers or those who had defied their diktats to participate in the meetings. “The kind of torture they inflicted is hard to describe in any language. One day an old man of around 70 years was beaten up by two persons in front of everyone. Some were also brutally executed in front of us while those beaten up severely had to be admitted into hospitals”, he said.
No wonder that Jaba Singh is now active with fellow villagers who are constantly on the vigil to safeguard the peace that has returned to the village through mass resistance.
Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org
FORMER ASSISTANT OF KISHENJI REVEALS “TRINAMOOL PROVIDES LIST, MAOISTS CARRY OUT EXECUTION” - N S Arjun from West Medinipur
THAT the Trinamool Congress is hand in glove with the 'Maoists' in Bengal is common knowledge. It has been proved repeatedly through their actions – the close coordination of activity by the TMC with the 'Maoist' frontal organisation PCPA, the coming to defence of PCPA leader Chhatradhar Mahato, the demands for withdrawal of central forces, the 'Maoists' endorsement of Mamata Banarjee as chief minister etc.
But now proof comes from two persons who joined the 'Maoists' with the sole aim of escaping death and have now escaped from their clutches. One of them, Mongol Mahato belonging to Nutandehi village in Salboni, in fact worked for the top 'Maoist' leader, Kishenji, as an assistant for around two months. They stayed in the jungle along with the 'Maoists' and had witnessed many of their barbaric actions.
Presently, taking shelter outside their village, these two persons spoke to People's Democracy recently on their experience with the 'Maoists'. When the 'Maoists' entered their village last year, they had threatened to kill Mongol Mahato, along with many others they suspected of being CPI (M) supporters. After being underground for few days, Mahato approached the TMC-'Maoists' and professed to work for them. They made him participate in meetings and rallies in the village. Later he was taken into the jungle where he got an opportunity to work for the notorious Kishenji for around two months. He used to make tea for them and also worked as a barber for Kishenji.
Asked to describe what he saw during this period, Mahato told us that the Trinamool leaders would regularly drop by and hold talks with Kishenji for hours together. There would also be leaders from the PCPA participating in such meetings. They used to provide list of CPI (M) workers to be killed in such meetings. He says PCPA, its armed outfit, the Gana Militia, and 'Maoists' are all one and the same with different nomenclature. Asked why he chose to desert them, Mahato said that he could not bear to see ordinary village folk – the tribals, agricultural labourers, petty vendors etc – being tortured brutally and shot after being tied to the trees in the jungle. They were usually suspected of being police informers or being supporters of CPI (M).
The other such person, Sapan Chalok, also from the same village, recounted his story. He was also threatened with death by TMC-'Maoists' goons when they took over the village. By then all CPI (M) leaders had left the village and sensing danger to himself and his family, he approached a known TMC contact and professed to work for them. He not only participated in meetings in his village but was also taken to nearby villages to take part in activity, including to Kolsibhanga where many CPI (M) supporters and workers were killed by TMC-'Maoists'. He worked as an informer to them on the developments in the villages.
“TMC leaders used to conduct secret meetings with the 'Maoists' in the jungles. They used to torture innocent villagers until their demands were met”, said Sapan Chalok. He also cited the same reason as Mahato for leaving the 'Maoists', adding that he never went with them willingly but only to save his and his family's lives.
BRUTAL TORTURE
As part of creating terror among the villagers and ensure their frightened support, the TMC-'Maoist' goons indulged in brutal torture of CPI (M) supporters and others whom they doubted. They organised a so-called people's court in Dakhinsole village near Pirakata. This was a place with a small rocky surface on the outskirts of the village and nearby the jungle. They used to order that at least ten people from nearby twenty villages must attend the “sessions” of this court. Jaba Singh, whose father Nalin Singh was severely beaten in one such session, told us that the “accused” in these court were usually those they suspected of being police informers or those who had defied their diktats to participate in the meetings. “The kind of torture they inflicted is hard to describe in any language. One day an old man of around 70 years was beaten up by two persons in front of everyone. Some were also brutally executed in front of us while those beaten up severely had to be admitted into hospitals”, he said.
No wonder that Jaba Singh is now active with fellow villagers who are constantly on the vigil to safeguard the peace that has returned to the village through mass resistance.
Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org
Thursday, May 27, 2010
CONTRIBUTIONS FOR THE HARKISHAN SINGH SURJEET BUILDING FUND
SOURCE : PEOPLE'S DEMOCRACY DATED 23-05-2010 CLICK TO ENLARGE
EMPLOYEES STAGE MARCH TO PARLIAMENT DEMANDING PEERLESS TAKE-OVER DEMAND
THE three day 20th all-India conference of Peerless Employees, which opened in Delhi from April 18, successfully ended on April 20, with a dharna in the capital and a March to Parliament on the same day. These actions were to demand the takeover of the Peerless company by the government of India. This was a unique programme of the employees in as much as it was joined also by family members of the staff in service. The employees and many of their family members had come to Delhi from different pas of India for this joint morcha to the parliament. It needs to be mentioned that quite a number of them were from the adjoining and their joint procession to parliament is rare in the trade union history. The Peerless employees can therefore justifiably feel proud for this attempt.
The employees and their family members, a large number of them women and children, first assembled at Janpath with flags and banners in their hands. Here they staged a squatting demonstration for two hours --- from 10.30 am onwards. Basudeb Acharya, MP and leader of the CPI(M) group in Lok Sabha, addressed the agitating employees. In his speech Acharya said he would raise this issue in parliament. The agitating employees and their family members thereafter began their March to Parliament, demanding government takeover of the Peerless company. But a big posse of steel-helmet wearing police force stopped the marching procession. The demonstrating protesters were then greeted by All India Peerless Employees Union (AIPEU) president Sukomal Sen, AIPEU working president Nitya Gopal Dutta, its general secretary Gautam Chatterjee, its vice presidents Anudeb Ghosh and A V Ramana Rao, Delhi state CITU president Sudhir Kumar, Maharashtra state CITU secretary P R Krishnan.
The venue for the 20th all-India conference of the AIPEU this time was the Mukta Dhara Auditorium in the Bhai Veersingh Marg in Gole Market, New Delhi, and the hall was named as “Comrade Jyoti Basu Nagar.” The reception committee had made the food and accommodation arrangements for the delegates in Chug Memorial Hall near the conference venue. The conference proceedings started with flag hoisting by AIPEU president Sukomal Sen on April 18. This was followed by floral tributes to the memory of martyrs. Reception committee chairman Sudhir Kumar then presented the welcome address, before Sukomal Sen inaugurated the conference. The inaugural session was attended by the delegates as well as by their family members. The elected number of delegates who participated in the conference was 250. They were from different branches and units of the Peerless establishment spread over different parts of the country. A good number of the participants were women delegates.
The main document for discussion in the delegates session of the conference was the general secretary’s report presented by Anudeb Ghosh. Hariprasad Patra, the treasurer, placed the statements of accounts. The discussion which then followed witnessed 55 delegates presenting their views. The proceedings of the conference were conducted by a presidium comprising Nitya Gopal Datta, Shyamal Chakravarty and P R Krishnan. The other two committees which the delegates elected for the conduct of the conference were the steering committee and credentials committee. The steering committee comprised Kamal Bhatacharjee, A V Ramana Rao and C D John while the credentials committee consisted of K B Benni, Sukumar Karkera and Nagalakshmi.
The conference took place in a very critical period in the history of this organisation. Naturally, therefore, the organisers had taken special care to invite some of the top ranking leaders from the trade union movement to address the conference. Among them were CITU general secretary Tapan Sen, MP. In his speech, Sen referred to the World Bank, IMF and WTO dictated globalisation policies and said that its main advocates --- the US and the European Union --- are worst hit now. This has resulted in big financial crises and joblessness in the imperialist countries. In India, the working class has been fighting against the dangers of neo-imperialist policies by resorting to industries strikes, state bandhs and all-India strikess. There had been 13 all-India strike actions in protest against this policy so far, and the 14th was then slated to take place on April 27. Sen noted that Peerless employees had been in the forefront of these struggles.
Others who came to greet the delegates session were CITU vice president Shyamal Chakravarty, MP, Reserve Bank Employees Union general secretary Samir Ghosh, All India Insurance Employees Union joint secretary A K Bhatnagar, All India Insurance Employees Pensioners Association president Saitya and FMRAI Delhi unit general secretary M K Mitra. They all extended full support to the Peerless employees in their agitation for realisation of their charter of demands as well as for takeover of the Peerless company by the government of India. Alternatively, the government should take immediate steps to merge this company with another financial establishment under government control. In that regard, the conference passed a separate resolution, moved by Gautama Chaterjee and seconded by K B Benni, calling upon the government to initiate appropriate steps. The conference passed three other resolutions as well --- on Trinamul-Maoist attacks in West Bengal, on price rise, and on unemployment.
In its concluding session, the conference elected a Central Committee with Sukomal Sen as president, Nitya Gopal Datta as working president and Gautam Chatterjee as new general secretary.
Source: People’s Democracy dated 23-05-2010
Monday, May 24, 2010
Wednesday, May 19, 2010
Wednesday, May 12, 2010
Friday, May 7, 2010
TRIPURA ADC POLLS - N S Arjun
ALL LIKELIHOOD OF YET ANOTHER CLEAN SWEEP FOR THE LEFT FRONT
THE Left Front in Tripura is all set to once again clean sweep the elections to the sixth Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) to be held on May 3, 2010. In the previous 2005 elections to this unique institution, the Left Front and its then ally, NSPT, had won the total 28 seats in the council with the opposition drawing a blank. A similar fate, or nearly similar fate, awaits the opposition comprising the Congress, INPT, IPFT and other small parties this time also.
A total of 160 candidates are in the fray for the 27 seats (election in one seat has been countermanded due to death of a candidate) that are spread over 527 villages in the ADC area, nearly two-third area of the state. The fight, if it can be called one, is mainly between the Left Front, INPT and Congress. In the Left Front, the CPI(M) is contesting 25 seats while CPI, Forward Bloc and RSP in one each. The INPT and Congress are fighting separately this time although there is a possibility of clandestine understanding between them against the Left Front. Also in the fray in some seats are BJP and the Trinamul Congress.
The election campaign is on in full swing and it is the Left Front's campaign that is visibly dominating in the ADC areas. The chief minister Manik Sarkar is attending two to three meetings each day, traversing the length and breadth of the state. CPI(M) state secretary Bijan Dhar, central committee members Bajuban Reang, Aghore Debbarma, Badal Choudhury, Khagen Das and Rama Das are also actively taking part in the campaign. Former state secretary and veteran leader Baidyanath Majumdar, who is around 85 years, has also attended a few meetings. The entire machinery of the Party, in both ADC and non-ADC areas, is fully involved in ensuring a massive success for the Left Front in these polls.
DEVELOPMENT THE MAIN PLANK
The main plank of the Left Front in these polls is development, and its pre-requisite – peace. Although peace and the unity among tribals and non-tribals have largely been restored with the successful tackling of the extremist problem, the Left Front leaders are underlining the need to be vigilant in protecting these in order to give a big thrust for development initiatives of the ADC and the state government. More so, given the nature of the campaign adopted by the opposition in these elections.
The Congress in a milder form and the INPT, IPFT in a brazen manner have put up demands in their election campaign that pose a threat to existing peace and unity among people. The Congress, living up to its history in the state, has sought separate police force for the ADC areas and also that funds must directly be given to ADC from the centre bypassing the state government. The INPT is seeking a state within the state and IPFT is seeking formation of a separate state comprising the ADC area, which is almost 70 per cent of the total state. Other chauvinistic demands intended to create fissures among the people include issuing of inner line permits for non-tribals to move in the ADC areas, teach Kokborok in Roman script instead of the present Bengali script etc. Not underestimating the danger of these sectarian slogans, the Left Front is ideologically countering these in the campaign and through the work on the ground that reflects its genuine concern for the development of tribals.
After partition in 1947, Tripura received a major setback infrastructurally and economically, apart from the totally altered social and demographic situation with the influx from the then East Pakistan. Before partition, the distance from Agartala to Kolkata was around 380 km, today it is around 1700 km. The state was totally cut off from the network of Indian Railways, becoming landlocked. The geographical terrain of the state was already a challenging one with over 60 per cent covered by hilly forest areas and the dramatic impact of partition made it more difficult. The pernicious role of the Congress to recklessly use the situation to weaken the Left only worsened it further. With the central government non-receptive to the situation of the state for most part, it was left to the Left Front government (now in power continuously since 1993) to grapple with the challenges of development and improvement of quality of life of the people. Formation of ADC by Constitutional mandate, after a long struggle by both tribals and non-tribals under the leadership of the Left, was one important aspect of progressing towards development.
What is the result today? The following quotation is from the Planning Commission review report of National Flagship programmes in Tripura, prepared after extensive meetings with central and state government officials as also field visits and meetings with beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries in the state during October 2009: “Planned development by the state is helping in improving the quality of life of the people living below the poverty line and the state is giving specific attention to their needs, for inclusive growth.
The state was also appreciated for various health indicators - birth rate, death rate, infant morality rate and total fertility rate which are 17.1, 5.7, 32 and 2.2 respectively and better than the all India indicators of 26, 8.7, 58 and 2.9 and for doing so well in agriculture, horticulture and fisheries.”
The 2007 Tripura Human Development Report emphatically states: “The key message of the Report is that the people of the state have experienced significant progress in the social, economic and political indicators of human development”
ADC & POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT
Not just in the above quoted reports, one can see the development glaringly in most of the villages in Tripura, where 73 per cent of total population live unlike the national average of 62 per cent. Except for the really inaccessible ones, almost all are connected by proper roads and have electricity. The fields are lush green and it is hard to find barren agricultural land. The economy of tribal people of the State is built mainly upon agriculture, which is mostly characterised by rain-fed cultivation and jhum (shifting cultivation). The tribal farmers constitute about 30 per cent of the farming community and control 37 per cent of the agriculture holdings. As has been reported in these columns, it was the Left Front that waged struggles for restoration of tribal lands and did so immediately after assuming power in 1977.
We came across Rammohan Debbarma, a 38 year old tribal farmer in Radha Mohanpur village, near the ADC headquarters Khumulwng. He owns one bigha land and grows paddy crop twice a year, getting a yield of around six tonnes. This suffices for his family of a wife, two kids and mother. The agricultural department under ADC provides him with inputs like seeds and fertiliser. Rammohan also goes for REGA work in the village and informs us that last year he got 85 mandays of work at the wage of Rs 100 per day. His 12 year old girl child has been put in a primary school, which stands prominently across the road from his field. However, his 10 year old son is being sent to a school 10 km away in Jirania. Asked why so, he replied that the school in Jirania has more and better teachers. With the villages and hamlets scattered around the hilly region, supplying drinking water is a major challenge for the administration. This village, like many others, has a public mini-deep tube well for drinking water. But one is not sufficient and there is demand for more such public tube wells in the village.
Sukanto Debbarma, vice chairman of the Radha Mohanpur village committee (elections to 527 village committees under ADC were held for the first time in 2006) told us about how the yearly village development plan is proposed by the committee in the Gram Sabha. After discussion, suggestions and improvements are factored in and the plan is sent to the Block Advisory Committee, which presently is a nominated body of the ADC. The works are undertaken by the Implementing Officer once the plan is approved and the village committee oversees them. The vibrant role of the committees in all aspects concerning the lives of tribals can be gauged from the fact that the Radha Mohanpur village committee has taken up with the ADC the issue of lack of sufficient number of teachers for the primary school in the village. The ADC has promised to send in extra teachers from the next academic year starting in June. This is indeed an ideal example of self government.
The administrative structure of the ADC comprises a chairman, elected by the Council members, and a chief executive member who along with nine other executive members manage the executive functions of the Council. The chief executive officer belonging to IAS cadre is responsible for day to day administrative functions. The ADC currently has 19 departments under its purview, including the fully delegated departments of agriculture, primary education, fisheries and animal husbandry. There are 1532 primary schools under the purview of ADC. To effectively run the functions of the Council, the ADC has 8635 employees, including officers and staff. The state government has deputed 3256 of these employees. The state government devolves funds to the ADC as per the Tribal Sub Plan requirements.
Not that there are no problems facing the ADC. Kumar Alok, the chief executive officer of the ADC, acknowledges some of them, particularly the geographical and natural resource constraints. He however underlined that there is perfect synergy with the state government right from top to lower levels in carrying out the tasks of the ADC. He mentioned how the 20-bed hospital in Khumulwng has been recently modernised and upgraded to a 50-bed one. This hospital is being attached to the Government Medical College in Agartala so that the students get to do their internship in the hospital and in the process the tribals get better medical care.
One of the key objectives of the formation of ADC has been the “protection of social, economic and cultural interests of the tribal population”. This task is being fulfilled despite various obstacles, both natural and from vested interests. The ADC in conjunction with the state government has organised many workshops with budding tribal authors in the native Kokborok language with the intention of promoting original writings. There has been compilation and publication of primary school level textbooks in Kokborok. Also an orientation programme has been conducted for Kokborok teachers. A library has been established in the Museum building at Khumulwng and 2897 books on tribal life and culture of Tripura have so far been collected. A total of 40 books have been published by the ADC in Kokborok language during the last five years, among which include 10 translations of novels and short stories by renowned Indian and international authors.
The other notable successes of the ADC have been relating to intensive development of agriculture, income generation and settlement of jhumia farmers into permanent cultivation through rubber plantation, extension of irrigation facilities, provision of education, development of roads and road transport, rural health and sanitation, safe drinking water, fisheries, piggery etc. The ADC has also increased hugely tribal women's political participation in the state. The sincere efforts for development have also strengthened the tribal-non tribal unity in the state with the ADC itself standing as a shining example. Out of total 40 blocks under ADC area, only 17 are exclusively under its purview while the remaining 23 are having mixed area. That ADC is able to carry on its tasks smoothly in all these block has evinced the interest of neighbouring Assam. Recently the Congress ruled state government's tribal affairs minister along with revenue minister and their ADC officials visited Khumulwng to see first hand the work being done by the Tripura ADC, particularly in mixed areas so that they can replicate. It is an irony that the very same party does everything possible to sabotage the work of the ADC in Tripura.
Given this impressive track record of the ADC and the Left Front government in improving the lives of tribals, particularly since 2005 after overcoming the extremist problem, it is no wonder that the opposition parties are fighting for a distant second place in these elections.
Source: People’s Democracy dated 02-05-2010 (www.pd.cpim.org)
ALL INDIA GENERAL STRIKED (HARTAL) ON 27-04-2010 SCORES RESOUNDING SUCCESS (2)
THE call given by thirteen parties for a countrywide hartal against price rise on April 27 has met with a big response in most parts of the country.
The thirteen parties’ call was joined by other parties in the states.
The success of the hartal shows the anger and discontent among the people at the failure of the central government to check price rise.
There was a complete hartal in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Assam, Orissa, Kerala and Tripura. In Andhra Pradesh, there was a successful bandh all over the state with the strike being partial in Hyderabad. In Tamilnadu too there was a hartal all over the state with Chennai having a partial strike.
In West Bengal, there was a total stoppage of work and movement of traffic. In Uttar Pradesh, in all cities and towns, markets were closed and rail and road traffic were affected in many places. In Bihar there was a total hartal in all the districts. Rail and road traffic was disrupted due to rail roko and rasta roko. Markets, commercial establishments and educational institutions remained closed.
In Kerala, all shops and commercial establishments remained closed. Road and rail traffic were paralysed. In major cities and towns, LDF workers held demonstrations in support of the hartal.
In Tripura, there was a complete strike with all offices, markets and educational institutions being closed. All vehicular traffic also came to a halt.
In Maharashtra, all the districts observed rasta roko and rail roko for various periods.
In Jharkhand, markets were closed and rail and road traffic came to a halt. Several state government offices remained closed.
In Orissa, all central government offices, central public sector undertakings, banks, railways were paralysed. State government offices in many districts were also closed. Road and railway traffic was paralysed.
In Karnataka, more than 50,000 people protested against price rise in Bengaluru and the strike was a success in other districts. In Madhya Pradesh, there was hartal in Gwalior, Moreina, Shivni, Bind, Rewa, Singrauli and Indore.
In Himachal Pradesh, markets remained closed in Shimla and rasta roko was observed in various parts of the state.
In Chattisgarh, there was hartal in the state capital Raipur. Shops, commercial establishments, hotels and the main markets remained closed. In many parts of the state, rasta roko and rail roko was also observed.
In Punjab, there was rasta roko in twenty places in the state. In Haryana, in all towns, there was hartal with markets remaining closed.
In Delhi, there was a strike in many industrial areas by the workers. There was rasta roko and picketing in 25 spots in the city, Ghaziabad, and Noida.
Source: People’s Democracy dated 02-05-2010 (www.pd.cpim.org)
75,000 SSK TEACHERS MADE PERMANENT IN WEST BENGAL
IN an important step towards guaranteeing of continuous teaching-learning, the Bengal Left Front government has taken a bold step in making the teachers of the Shishu Siksha Kendras (SSK), or child education centres, permanent in the nature of their jobs, wages, plus retirement benefit. Apart from this, the government has also raised the concerned teachers’ wages by no less than 35 per cent.
The Shishu Shiksha Karmasuchi programme (SSK) reaches out to thousands of poor children living in far flung areas of the state. Initiated in West Bengal in the year 1999, the programme today reaches out to more than 1.4 million children.
The centres teach students upto class VIII – subsequently plans and provisions have been made to promote the centres to the standards of higher secondary. Each SSK comprises a quartet of teachers, of whom 90 per cent we have surveyed are women. From June this year, the teachers shall receive a wage of Rs 5400. The women are most of them well qualified. The increase in what they take home surely allow them a modicum of comfort, finance-wise.
There are two thousand odd existing secondary education centres, Madhyamik Siksha Kendras or MSK. Each MSK teacher receives Rs 6500 per month. The principal-teacher draws a tad more, around Rs 7500. These teachers, too, are going to get a 35 per cent hike in pay from June. The SSKs and MSKs would gradually be converted to higher secondary institutions. This latest move is yet another feather in the hat of the pro-poor Left Front government of West Bengal.
Source: People’s Democracy dated 02-05-2010 (www.pd.cpim.org)
MAOIST BUTCHERS OF POET JOY GOSWAMI SLAIN INNOCENT VILLAGER ORPHANING HIS WIFE & DAUGHTER IN THE NAME OF REVOLUTION
WIFE AND DAUGHTER BESIDE THE DEAD-BODY OF HARIPADA SINGHA ON BASANTPUR ROAD IN DAHIJURI VILLAGE OF JHARGRAM, WEST BENGAL ON 05-05-2010. HARIPADA SINGHA WAS BRUTALLY MURDERED BY THE PERVERTED AND INSANE MAOIST COMRADES OF ARUNDHATI ROY, MAHASWETA DEVI, MEDHA PATKAR, “PEOPLE’S UNION FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES” (PUCL), “PEOPLE’S UNION FOR DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS”(PUDR), ASSOCIATION FOR PROTECTION OF DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS (APDR) AND OTHER SO-CALLED INTELLECTUALS AND HUMAN RIGHT ORGANISATIONS AND CORPORATE MEDIA
Thursday, April 29, 2010
LEFT FRONT CANDIDATES SUBMIT NOMINATION PAPERS IN BANKURA, BISHNUPUR AND DHULIYAN MUNICIPALITIES OF WEST BENGAL
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Wednesday, April 28, 2010
Monday, April 26, 2010
LENIN: THE LODESTAR - Prakash Karat
Thu, 2010-04-22 14:35
April 22, 2010 marks the 140th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin, the revolutionary leader who creatively developed the scientific theory set out by Marx and Engels. Lenin was the architect of the world’s first socialist State, the Soviet Union.When we are commemorating the life and work of Lenin, we are not just paying homage to a great leader who led the world’s first socialist revolution. No other person after Marx and Engels has contributed to the development of Marxist theory as much as Lenin did. Lenin’s entire theoretical work constitutes the advancement of the concept of scientific socialism that equipped the working class movement to conduct the proletarian revolution.
Lenin took a giant step by analyzing the nature of imperialism and capitalism in the 20th century. Lenin characterized the development of monopoly capitalism as the highest stage which is imperialism. Lenin creatively developed Marx’s analysis of the capitalist system when it was the rising mode of production to the stage of imperialism. Any analysis of contemporary imperialism and world capitalism today has to have as its starting point the theory of imperialism formulated by Lenin. Without the Leninist methodology it is not possible to understand global finance capital and the finance-driven globalization that it has spawned.
It is this Leninist understanding of imperialism which led him to conclude that world capitalism will break at its weakest link from which the strategy and tactics in the socialist revolution in Russia were worked out in which the worker-peasant alliance played a key role. Parallel to this flowed the Leninist understanding of integrating the national and colonial question to the strategy and tactics of world revolution. This was a sharp break from the understanding of the prominent European Marxists. Lenin showed how the national liberation struggles in the colonies are part of the worldwide struggle against imperialism and how these forces are allies of the world proletariat struggling for socialism. The events of the 20th century leading to the success of the national liberation struggles against colonialism and imperialism and the victories of the Chinese, the Vietnamese, Korean and Cuban revolutions were intrinsically the breakthrough achieved by this Leninist strategy.
The other important contribution of Lenin was to the understanding of the State and its class character which became the basis for all the Communist Parties in their struggle against capitalism and the ruling classes. Class struggle is not the struggle on economic issues alone but achieves its full scope when it challenges the State power of the exploiting ruling classes.
Lenin will forever be associated with the revolutionary theory of organisation which he expounded. The building of the party of a new type which is equipped to lead the working class and other toiling sections is uniquely a Leninist contribution. The principle of democratic centralism based on inner-party democracy, strict discipline and criticism and self-criticism, provided the working class with their own form of organisation as against the organisational methods of the bourgeois and social democratic parties. Subsequently, every party which made the revolution has found the Leninist form and method of party organisation to be indispensable for developing the revolutionary movement. The Leninist organizational principle drew the strongest attacks of the non-communists and from those within the Left fold. But Lenin firmly held that in the fight against the bourgeois State, the proletariat has only one weapon, that is, organization. Our experience of building the Party in India under varied and diverse conditions confirms this Leninist principle.
Lenin survived as the leader of the Soviet Union for only six years after the 1917 revolution. In this period, he grappled with many of the stupendous tasks of creating a new society out of the ruins of the old. During four out of these six years, the bitter civil war raged and had to be won. From the period of War Communism to the New Economic Policy, Lenin constantly changed and adjusted policies with the single aim of facilitating the building of socialism. Lenin was conscious of the arduous and long road to socialism ahead. He said:
"The more backward the country, which, owing to the zigzags of history has proved to be the one to start the socialist revolution, the more is it difficult for that country to pass from its old capitalist relations to socialist relations".Though it is futile to speculate how the Soviet Union would have built socialism, if Lenin had lived longer, it is necessary to draw lessons from how Lenin creatively tried to hew a path to socialism in an underdeveloped country while keeping the interests of the international Communist movement in mind.
Nearly seven decades after Lenin’s death, the Soviet Union disintegrated. Since then, in the past two decades history is sought to be rewritten. The entire revolutionary content of Leninism is being negated. One set of critics who throughout had maintained that Lenin’s theoretical and political significance was confined only to Russia now went further to claim that it had proved to be a failure in Russia itself. All varieties of bourgeois philosophies and theories deny the existence of imperialism. Some of them claim that liberal capitalism is eternal. That Marxism and Leninism were the products of their times and in the postmodern era they have no relevance.
Much of the claptrap about the end of history and the eternal verities of capitalism have ended abruptly. The two years of severe global recession have once again highlighted the volatility and predatory nature of capitalism. Out of the 7 billion people in the planet, half are poor and 1.2 billion people go hungry. Imperialism continues to wage wars and plunder the resources of the planet. If they continue to do so, the world environment and life itself will be destroyed.
Marxism is the only scientific outlook and method which can provide a coherent world view and guide to action to change the iniquitous order that prevails in the world today. Just as Lenin developed the theory and practice of Marx and Engels, today Marxist theory and practice has to be developed and extended from the base that Lenin created. Lenin himself had pointed out that Marxism is not a static theory. It needs to be enriched and developed further.
"We most certainly do not look upon the theory of Marx as something permanent and immutable; on the contrary we remain convinced that it has merely laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must advance in all directions if they want to keep abreast of life".
In our quest to develop the theory and practice of Marxism further, Lenin will remain the lodestar for all our endeavours.
Courtesy: www.pragoti.org
Friday, April 23, 2010
Thursday, February 18, 2010
MEDHA PATKAR KEEPS SILENCE TO SUPPORT THE MASSACRE OF 24 JAWANS AT SHILDA IN WEST BENGAL BY MAOIST BUTCHERS ON 15-02-2010
A few social and political activists and intellectuals such as Arundhati Roy, Mamata Banerjee, Medha Patkar, Mahasweta Devi, Dr. Pushkar Raj, film actress Aparna Sen, Shaoli Mitra, Subhaprasanna Bhattachajree, Jogen Chowdhury, Sujat Bhadra, Bibhas Chakraborty and others, day in and day out, always speak for the safety of the perverted Maoist butchers, extortionists and rapists and champion their cause. They have been trying to raise support and a respectable space for them on different manufactures premises.
They also try to create sympathy for them in all possible ways and manners on this or that pretext. But they never use a single word to condemn the brutalities and perversions of their beloved Maoist insane terrorist brethren.
The details of EFR Jawans killed by the perverted Maoist cold blooded murderers at Shilda Camp in West Midnapur District on 15-02-2010 are placed below.
1 Ajoy Thapa, P.S. Maligarh, Darjeeling
2 Gogan Pradhan, P.S. Kharagpur Local, W. Midnapur
3 Bihan Kachari, Salua, W. Midnapur
4 Prem Siring Bhutia, P.S. Kalimpong, Darjeeling
5 Mikmar Tamang, PS Sukhiapokhari, Darjeeling
6 Arun Singh Thakuri, Salua, Dist. W. Midnapur
7 Surya Bahadur Thapa, PS Hijli, W. Midnapur
8 Jiban Chetri, Midnapur Town, W. Midnapur
9 Banin Chandra Dhimari, PS Golpara, Assam
10 Arindra Kumar Rava, Gopalpur, Assam
11 Kanteswar Basumatari, Guwhati, Assam
12 Monal Chetri, Ghum, Dist. Darjeeling
13 Suresh Rai, Mirik, Darjeeling
14 Nimte Sherpa, Pulbazar, Darjeeling
15 Pradip Pradhan, Sukiapokhari, Darjeeling
16 Madhukar Subba, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
17 Shati Kumar Rai, Gorubathan, Darjeeling
18 Dambar Bahadur Chetri, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
19 Subhas Chetri, Kotwali, Jalpaiguri
20 Biman Rai, Jorebunglow, Darjeeling
21 Gopal Krishna Chetri, Malhati, Jalpaiguri
22 Doulat Rai, Ghalibari, Darjeeling
23 Premtas Lepcha, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
24 Ram Bahadur Thapa, Salua, W. Midnapur
They also try to create sympathy for them in all possible ways and manners on this or that pretext. But they never use a single word to condemn the brutalities and perversions of their beloved Maoist insane terrorist brethren.
The details of EFR Jawans killed by the perverted Maoist cold blooded murderers at Shilda Camp in West Midnapur District on 15-02-2010 are placed below.
1 Ajoy Thapa, P.S. Maligarh, Darjeeling
2 Gogan Pradhan, P.S. Kharagpur Local, W. Midnapur
3 Bihan Kachari, Salua, W. Midnapur
4 Prem Siring Bhutia, P.S. Kalimpong, Darjeeling
5 Mikmar Tamang, PS Sukhiapokhari, Darjeeling
6 Arun Singh Thakuri, Salua, Dist. W. Midnapur
7 Surya Bahadur Thapa, PS Hijli, W. Midnapur
8 Jiban Chetri, Midnapur Town, W. Midnapur
9 Banin Chandra Dhimari, PS Golpara, Assam
10 Arindra Kumar Rava, Gopalpur, Assam
11 Kanteswar Basumatari, Guwhati, Assam
12 Monal Chetri, Ghum, Dist. Darjeeling
13 Suresh Rai, Mirik, Darjeeling
14 Nimte Sherpa, Pulbazar, Darjeeling
15 Pradip Pradhan, Sukiapokhari, Darjeeling
16 Madhukar Subba, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
17 Shati Kumar Rai, Gorubathan, Darjeeling
18 Dambar Bahadur Chetri, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
19 Subhas Chetri, Kotwali, Jalpaiguri
20 Biman Rai, Jorebunglow, Darjeeling
21 Gopal Krishna Chetri, Malhati, Jalpaiguri
22 Doulat Rai, Ghalibari, Darjeeling
23 Premtas Lepcha, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
24 Ram Bahadur Thapa, Salua, W. Midnapur
Those who provide a shield to the Maoist cold-blooded murderers should also be held as much responsible for the killings as are the Maoists.
Both are two faces of the same coin and therefore must be dealt with an iron hand.
The nation should be cautious of the diabolical aims and objectives of these agents of the perverted Maoists.
CONSPIRATORIAL “SAINBARI CASE” MANUFACTURED AGAINST THE CPI (M) RETOLD
Shri Debabrata Bandyopadhyay is a trusted Advisor to Trinamul Congress Supremo Mamata Banerjee. He is also a former Secretary of Revenue and erstwhile Secretary of Rural Development in the Government of India.
In a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009 he has thrown mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records".
In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image.
What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.
In a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009 he has thrown mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records".
In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image.
What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.
Bandyopadhyay's entire article is a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack and demonize serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist).
The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the ‘Sainbari’ incident on 17th March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain were killed.
These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI (M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI (M) and its cadres.
The argument of Bandyopadhyay's article is that:
1. 50/60 armed hooligans under the leadership of “Benoy Konar” attacked the residence of Sains in Burdwan with “foul mood” and murdered two Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain.
2. 17 of the miscreants were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers.
3. The author does not care to mention their names.
4. Eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971.
5. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI [M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.
6. The "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice.
7. On both occasions their appeal was rejected.
8. The convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means".
9. Later, when the CPI (M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sain murder case were released on “unconditional and unlimited parole”.
10. The "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI (M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court" and were destroyed.
11. The Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case.
12. The "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".
13. One Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".
Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.
FACTS OF THE CASE AND ORDER
1. The 2nd United Front Government led by Ajoy Mukhopadhyay was dismissed by Governor Dharam Veera on 16-03-1970.
2. A 24-Hour All Bangla General Strike was called by the CPI (M) and other Left Parties on the next day 17-03-1970.
3. In each and every locality in West Bengal the “Bandh” was being observed peacefully and the cadres of Leftist Parties took out processions and organized mass meetings against the dismissal of the State Government.
4. A similar peaceful procession was taken out in at Telmarui area of Burdwan Town on that day by CPI (M) workers.
5. It was attacked by antisocial elements of Congress Party with bombs, lethal weapons and as a result one Gourhari Dey was injured seriously.
6. In the clash followed, 2 Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronab Sain and one private tutor were killed.
7. At 12:30 PM on the same day, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya s/o Bomkesh Bhattacharjee of Ahiritola Lane, P.S. & Dist. Burdwan lodged an FIR with the Burdwan Police Station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam in the Congress Party Office in consultation with Panchu Gopal Mukherjee, S.P. of Burdwan, Shankari Chatterjee, Officer-in-Charge, Burdwan Police Station and Rabindranath Ghosh, S.I. of Burdwan Police Station.
All the above three police officers had taken a pledge to wipe out CPI (M) from Burdwan District. Bijoyesh Ganguly was mentioned as witness.
8. The manufactured FIR mentioned clearly the following:
a. A peaceful ‘Bandh’ was being observed at the call of a political party but its armed cadres were giving provocative slogans.
b. At about 8-00 am an armed procession of about 1500/2000 people were proceeding through Pratapeswar-Shibtola in the town where the residence of Sain brothers was situated.
c. The processionists broke open the residence of the Sain Brothers, set it to fire and in the ensuing clash two Sain Brothers named Moloy Sain, Pronob Sain and family private tutor Jiten Roy were killed.
9. On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 under sections 148/149/307/302/336/380 of I.P.C. against the following persons and took up investigation of the case.
(1) Ajit Kumar Mukherjee @ Tilu (2) Kalyan Dutta Mondal (3) Pabitra Bhattacharjee (4) Madhu (5) Anwar Hossain (6) Akbar Hossain (7) Tapas Mukherjee (8) Vivek (9) Bulu (10) Amal Banerjee (11) Bablu Banerjee (12) Saikat Sain (13) Gandhi (14) Budo (15) Mahadeb Bhattacharjee (16) Swadhin Chatterjee (17) Mridul Sen (18) Salil Bhattacharjee (19) Subhas Chatterjee (20) Dilip Dubey (21) Ajoy Chatterjee (22) Bablu Dutta (23) Pradip Ghosh (24) Baidyanath Samanta (25) Sujit Ghosh (26) Subodh Chowdhury, (27) Amiya Dawn of Shaktigarh, Freedom Fighter Subodh Chowdhury and in the name of others totaling to 72 and 1500 unknown people.
In the original FIR there was no mention of the names of the then MLA Benoy Konar, Gokulananda Roy, Municipal Councillor Mojammel Hossain, Ramnarayan Goswami @ Kuro, Abdul Rashid, Swapan Banerjee and others.
10. Shri Tarun Dutta was the District Magistrate of Burdwan.
11. Later the officiating Chief Minister Shri Sidhartha Shankar Roy had been to Burdwan a number of times. He met the mother of Sain brothers Smt. Mrignayana Devi and made a wide-spread false and malicious propaganda that she was forced to eat boiled rice mixed with blood of her two slain sons on the fateful day. He had also introduced her to Smt. Indira Gandhi.
12. The notorious Governor Dharam Veera also visited Burdwan to give it wide publicity.
13. All the anti-Leftist Forces and a section of perverted media in the country had spread concocted stories of CPI (M) brutality and made it an all India issue
14. After completion of the investigation the D.D.I., Asansol submitted a charge sheet against 111 persons including Benoy Konar and others on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 326/302/440/836/114/149/336 of I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan.
15. The Investigating Officer requested the Court to release 34 innocent persons who were arrested indiscriminately by him.
16. Out of these 111 accused persons, 56 persons were in jail as Under Trial Prisoners.
17. In this case " STATE V AJIT MUKHERJEE AND 83 OTHERS” also known as the “SAINBARI CASE” there was mention of 78 persons as public witnesses.
18. After submission of the Charge Sheet some more arrests were made.
19. During the running of the trial at Burdwan, the advocate Bhabadish Roy defending the accused, Freedom Fighter Shibshankar Chowdhury (Kalo Da), Purnananda Batabyal, Pancha Bagdi, Ram Mudi, Arun Devbhuti, Nitya Paul, Anwar Hossain, Brinta (Bagha) Bhattacharjee, Arun Dutta, Shanti Bhanja and many other CPI (M) leaders & cadres were killed by criminals of Congress Party in Burdwan Town. A total reign of terror was created by the Congress hoodlums and butchers in connivance with Superintendent of Police Panchu Gopal Mukherjee and other police officials in the town.
20. Most of the CPI (M) leaders and cadres living in Burdwan town had fled and took shelter elsewhere.
21. The accused persons, therefore, made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town on safety and security reasons.
22. The Learned Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accused persons.
23. Thereafter the accused persons moved the Hon'ble High Court, Calcutta. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore committed the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74.
24. Some of the accused persons died in the meantime and some were absconding. So, the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee framed Charges against 83 accused persons on 13.8.77 including Benoy Konar, Dilip Dubey, Ramnarayan Goswami, Ashok Bhusan Chakraborty, Mridul Sen, Sukanta Konar, Nirupam Sen, Rajat Banerjee, Amiya Saha, Swapan Banerjee under sections 148/149/302/149/436 of IPC and read out their names. All the accused persons pleaded innocence.
25. The names of Amal Haldar and Manik Roy were mentioned neither in the original FIR nor in the charge sheet framed by The Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge on 13-08-1977.
26. In the meantime, the Left Front Government came to power on 21st June, 1977. Immediately after installation, it declared the following policies on the basis of “Forgive and Forget”:
a. No revenge will be taken against those criminals and murderers of the Congress Party who had butchered more than 1200 CPI (M) leaders and cadres in West Bengal between 1971 and1977 and created a reign of terror during this period.
b. All political prisoners irrespective of affiliation would be released unconditionally.
27. On 20.9.77 the Learned Public Prosecutor, therefore, filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons.
28. On 30-09-1977 Shri Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee heard the case and ordered to withdraw cases against only 4 accused persons.
29. All the other accused persons appealed to the Calcutta High Court. Maintaining the order of 30-09-1977 the Calcutta High Court directed the State Government to submit afresh a petition before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal of the case. Shri Asit Ganguly defended the accused persons.
30. On 29-11-1977 the Public Prosecutor filed an application afresh u/s 321 Cr.P.C before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court on following grounds.
a. There was an occurrence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurrence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.
b. As two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.
c. The then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.
d. The entire trial is based on the FIR lodged by one Dilip Bhattacharjee. But he himself has declared in writing that he did not know who had committed the murder. He was not a witness to the incident. He had neither written the statement of the FIR nor did he himself submit the same to the concerned police station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam. He had put his signature on the same without going through it. Mr. Islam himself had also submitted it to the police station. The written declaration of Shri Bhattacharjee was enclosed marked Annex-A.
Witness No. 43 Itika Dutta of Suratmahal Lane of Town Hall Para of Burdwan had submitted in writing that during the incident on 17-03-1977 she was out of Burdwan. The Investigating Officer had manufactured a false statement under section 161 Cr.Pc. without meeting her.
The brother of two slain Sain brothers Bijoy Sain submitted in writing that along with two others he was confined to a room during the incident and so did not know what actually had happened.
Bijoy Sain, his sister Swarnalata Josh and brother-in-law Amalkanta Josh had in writing pleaded for withdrawal of the case in view of the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the town.
e. The Investigating Officer had recorded the statement of Swapan Mukherjee on 08-04-1970, Nurul Islam on 08-04-1970 and Bijoyesh Ganguly on 23-04-1970 as witnesses to the incident but surprisingly their names were not mentioned in the original FIR. Even they had not put their signature on the FIR as witnesses.
The Public Prosecutor submitted that on the basis of such weak documentary evidences and witnesses, it was not possible for him to continue the case against so many people. So, he wanted to withdraw the case.
In the meantime, Hon’ble Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee got transferred to the Calcutta High Court as its judge. So, the Additional Sessions Judge R.K. Kar examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds observed that:
a. There was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR.
b. He was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the charge sheet and that following the incident.
c. Leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses.
d. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses.
e. The manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done.
f. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission.
g. The investigation had not been impartial.
h. He would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.
i. The general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident.
j. Other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents.
k. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentioned that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.
l. However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentioned that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.
m. In sum, the judge considered the other grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the 83 accused persons were acquitted of the offences under Cr. PC section 321(b) passing the following order on 06-05-1978.
“CHARGES HAVING BEEN FRAMED AGAINST ACCUSED PERSONS OF THE INSTANT SESSION TRIAL CASE THEY ARE, THEREFORE, ACQUITTED OF THE OFFENCES UNDER SECTION 321 (b) CR.PC.”
If anyone goes minutely through the proceedings of the court, he will come across the following facts.
The "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.
It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point.
Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.
· How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"?
· And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"?
· And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgment of "conviction" if that never happened?
· These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.
· That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI (M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records.
· Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court!
· The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI (M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts".
· It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".
· As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.
In fact, the order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them.
So, the entire contention of the article written by D. Bandyopadhyay is concocted, manufactured and distorted. It is nothing but a fairy tale and nonsense. It is completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.
The deranged writer D. Bandyopadhyay is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal.
Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her. He and other perverts are the “Think Tank” of Mamata Banerjee. It can be easily realized how they are going to destroy the future of West Bengal.
The perverted former bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is the most appropriate successor of “Goebles and Hitler”. If both of them were alive, they would have hung their heads in shame watching their successor surpassing their limits of distortion of facts and perversions. The use of most derogatory words such as “convict on parole”, “public menace”, "killer convicts” “black mamba” “Khokan Sen”, “District level operator” "nasty killer" etc. by this uncultured former bureaucrat speaks of his unsound mind and manner of his bringing up.
It is, therefore, expected that the Supreme Court of India takes drastic steps against D. Bandyopadhyay for distortion of court proceedings and against Joydeep Mukherjee for filing a false affidavit before the Apex Court.
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