EDITORIAL OF PEOPLE’ DEMOCRACY DATED 30-01-2011: REORIENT ECONOMIC POLICY DIRECTION

ON the eve of our 62^nd Republic Day, the president of India, in the customary address to the nation, renewed “the pledge to empower the poor and the marginalised sections of our population so that they too can become a part of the growth story of our nation”.

Almost simultaneously, the leaders of India Inc and senior officials of the government who advise and manage our economic policies spoke in terms of rolling back even the existing support that is provided to the poor and the marginalised at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

The contrast could not have been more stark. This reflects a fundamental contradiction set in motion during the birth pangs of our Republic. Presenting the draft of our constitution to the constituent assembly, Dr B R Ambedkar had warned of this very contradiction. It is well worth recollecting, once again, what he had said on November 25, 1949:

“On January 26, 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality. In politics, we will be recognising the principle of one man-one vote and one vote-one value. In our social and economic life, we shall by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man-one value.

“How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life?

“If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which this Assembly has laboriously built up.”

It is not that India Inc and their governmental spokesmen in Davos are oblivious of this glaring contradiction that continues to intensify even after six decades. Simply put, they are brazen in pushing the government to create greater avenues for profit generation even if it means impoverishing the vast masses of our people.

The deputy chairman of the Planning Commission has called for reform of the labour laws articulating corporate India Inc’s demand for unbridled `hiring and firing’ policy. Even the little social and economic security that is provided by our existing laws are sought to be abolished. This, apparently, is a necessary pre-condition to accelerate industrial growth. The latter, we are told, is imperative to create employment. In other words, we are being told that by making an `employed’ worker `unemployed’ today, future employment would be generated. It is only such `corporate brazenness’ that seeks to continuously fool the people this way. Plain and simple, changes in the labour laws are required to enlarge profits at the expense of intensified exploitation and misery of the vast mass of people.

One of the economic advisors to the prime minister of India has openly called for the virtual withdrawal of all subsidies and a complete stop of all social welfare expenditures, including the government’s much touted Rural Employment Guarantee and Bharat Nirman. Particular reference was made to remove all subsidies on petroleum products and eliminate the fertiliser subsidy. This, we are told, will take care of our fiscal problems. Plain and simple, again, the objective is to divert whatever little amount of resources that are now providing some relief to the people towards avenues that will enlarge private profit.

While brazenly seeking to exclude the vast mass of Indian people from the so-called `Indian growth story’, the cheer leaders of neo-liberalism remain completely silent, deliberately, regarding the subsidies provided to the corporate sector and high networth individuals. Revenue foregone by the government of India, as revealed in the budget documents presented to the parliament in February 2010, as a per cent of aggregate tax collection was 68.59 in 2008-09 and as high as 79.54 in 2009-10. This means that in the last fiscal year, an amount equal to nearly four-fifth of the tax revenue of the government was not collected from this sector implying, a huge subsidy. In absolute terms, the tax foregone under corporate income tax and personal income tax alone amounted to Rs 1,04,471 crores in 2008-09 and Rs 1,20,483 in 2009-10. In other words, nearly 2.25 lakh crores of rupees, which should have constituted the legitimate revenue of the government, was consciously foregone. Instead, if these resources were collected and used for public investments, this would have built our much needed infrastructure while generating substantial employment improving people’s livelihood. The consequent growth of domestic demand would have laid the foundations for better economic fundamentals for a sustainable growth trajectory. India Inc, however, in its urge to seek quick super profits cries for further concessions by imposing further miseries on the people.

Such massive concessions for the rich are, however, called `incentives’ for growth. Concessions for the poor and needy are always called `subsidies’ which are bad for the economy and growth.

Such brazen espousing of making a miniscule part of India more `shining’ at the expense of the vast majority of our people is, simply, not acceptable.

The only pledge that needs to be renewed forcefully, today, is to heed Baba Sahib Ambedkar’s warning and radically reorient our economic policy direction away from the discredited and misery imposing neo-liberal reforms. Needless to add, the people need to re-double the resolve for creating a better India through mightier popular struggles.

(January 27, 2011)

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org/

ELEVENTH CONGRESS OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM

'CONTINUE DOI MOI MORE FORCEFULLY FOR SUCCESSFUL CONSTRUCTION OF SOCIALISM'

N S Arjun

THE recently concluded Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam has resolved to continue more forcefully and comprehensively doi moi (renewal process launched in 1986) in order to ensure successful construction of socialism in the country. After reviewing the 25 years experience of the renewal process, the 20 years implementation of the 'Political Program for National Construction during the period of transition to Socialism' and the '10 year strategy for socio-economic development for 2001-2010', the Eleventh Congress formulated the tasks for implementation during the tenure of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Party. One of the important overall goals for this coming period is to 'continue to raise the Party's leadership and combat capacity' while striving further to improve the people's living conditions.

The Political Report presented in the Congress by the general secretary of the tenth tenure Central Committee, Nong Duc Manh, called for placing special emphasis on handling certain major dialectical relationships while undertaking the tasks. Among the important relationships it identified included between economic renewal and political renewal; between market economy and socialist orientation; between developing productive forces and shaping and gradually improving socialist production relations; and between leadership by the Party, governance by the State and ownership by the people.

ACHIEVEMENTSHIGHLIGHTED

The report highlights the achievements on the economic front made during the past five years since the Tenth Congress. Facing many international and domestic challenges, particularly the global financial crisis, the entire Party, people and army did their best to achieve the goals set by the Tenth Congress. The result being that today Vietnam is one of the fastest growing countries in Asia with an average growth rate of 7 per cent. In 2010, estimated GDP at present prices was $101.6 billion, a 100 per cent increase compared to the year 2000. The average GDP per capita at present is $1168. The target is to take it to $2000 by 2015 and to $3000 by 2020. Even in the global financial crisis period, Vietnam attracted an FDI of almost $45 billion during the period 2006-2010, exceeding the set plan target by 77 per cent. The macro-economic stability has largely been maintained. The process of modernisation and industrialisation has helped Vietnam upgrade its infrastructure. There are now around 250 industrial zones and various key economic regions, playing a key role in the goal of making Vietnam a modern industrial country by 2020.

The stable development of agriculture, especially food production has ensured national food security. From being a poor and starving country ravaged by imperialist wars, Vietnam has today become the world’s second biggest rice exporter with 6 million tonnes of rice exported in 2010. The focus on investment to build rural infrastructure, boosting productivity through new breeds of high quality seeds etc has resulted in the improvement of rural economy in general and farmers lives in particular, notes the report. The record as far as hunger elimination and poverty reduction go is also exemplary. Poverty rate fell from 58 per cent in 1993 to 9 per cent in 2010 while 8 million new jobs were created during the past five years. The rate of unemployment in urban areas has been brought down to 4.5 per cent. The UN has acknowledged that Vietnam is on the path of achieving most of the Millennium Development Goals by the year 2015. The HDI improved from 0.683 in 2000 to 0.733 in 2008, ranking 100th out of 177 countries.

The socialist-oriented market economy institutions have been further built and perfected during this period. Party's policy of renewal guidelines have been further institutionalised in the form of laws and regulations resulting in improvement in investment and business environment. The report highlights how the State corporations have been strengthened. In the 2006-2010 period, the State enterprises have increased their production by 2.3 times and their capital by 7.3 times as compared to five years earlier. It may be mentioned here that as per the latest survey conducted by 'Vietnam Report' on top 500 companies in Vietnam, the state-owned companies or corporations account for a dominant 46 per cent, holding a key role in the Vietnamese economy.

On the issue of promoting and broadening socialist democracy within the Party, organisations and society in general, the report notes “the Party and the State continued to map out guidelines and policies in order to further promote the people's right as the owner, ensure people's interests and their supervisory role over the operation of Party organisations, State agencies, cadres, Party members and civil servants”. The great national unity bloc based on the working class-peasantry-intelligentsia alliance under the Party's leadership has been further broadened and intensified with an agreed goal for “a prosperous people, a strong country and an equitable, democratic and civilised society”.

As for Party building and rectification work, the report underlines that after enhanced efforts on this aspect, “the majority of cadres, Party members and people are pleased and confident in the Party and State, the renewal process and the prospect for development of the country. Positive thinking remains the mainstream in social life. Results have been achieved in consolidating and enhancing the capacity of Party leadership and combativeness. More attention has been paid to the building and consolidating of grassroots Party organisations in important and disadvantaged areas and sectors. The number of newly admitted Party members has increased annually during the last five years. The ratio of new members who are young, female, intellectuals and from ethnic minorities has increased compared to the previous term. The expansion and promotion of democracy within the Party has been emphasised. Direct election of standing committees, secretaries, deputy secretaries at Party congresses has been piloted.

SHORTCOMINGS AND WEAKNESSES

The Political Report also self critically takes note of the shortcomings and weaknesses on various fronts. On the economic front, it notes that the “economic development is not sustainable; the quality, efficiency and competitiveness remain low and incommensurate with the potential, opportunities and development requirements of the country”. Stating that the economic growth has been achieved mainly through increased investment and exploitation of natural resources, it underlined that the macro-economic balance is not stable. It called for developing manufacturing and processing industry rapidly. As compared to other countries in the region, the labour productivity remains very low. The efficiency of investment capital is also low and there is wastefulness and loss of investment capital, particularly in the State sector. The gaps in development levels between regions are big and tend to widen. The report self critically notes, “adequate attention has not been paid to factors which ensure socialist orientation of the market economy... Confusion, loopholes and inadequate control have been seen sometimes in market management, especially in real estate market and financial market, leading to speculation and illicit enrichment for certain people”.

As for education, it notes that there has not been a vigorous shift in education and training to meet the requirements of industrialisation and modernisation. It also notes that science and technology have not really become driving forces and have not closely linked to the objectives and tasks of socio-economic development. Although there has been progress in poverty reduction, the report accepts that it has not been sustainable. “The ratio of re-impoverishment is high. The rich-poor gap remains relatively big and is widening.” On the social and cultural front, it notes as “worrying problems” the “penetration of harmful products and services which degrade people's morality, especially of the adolescents and youngsters”.

As for the Party organisation, the report notes very self critically that there has been “political, ideological, ethical and lifestyle degradation in quite a segment of cadres and Party members”. Corruption, wastefulness, bureaucratism, negative practices and social evils have not been checked and repelled, and continue to develop complicatedly. The report starkly highlights the danger thus: “Combined with the rich-poor gap and weaknesses in governance at many levels and in many sectors these trends have reduced the people's confidence in the Party and the State, threatening the stability and development of the country”. It also notes that the building of grassroots Party organisations has been slow in private and foreign-invested enterprises, where the role of Party organisations remains limited. The report calls for taking more widely and in depth the campaign 'To learn from and follow Ho Chi Minh's moral example' within the Party.

LESSONSDRAWN

The Central Committee of the tenth tenure drew the following lessons from the practice of leading and steering the implementation of the Resolution of the Tenth Congress of the Party:

Firstly, in whatever condition and eventuality, to persevere in implementing the renewal guidelines and objectives; steadfastly and creatively apply Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought and persist with the goals of national independence and socialism.

Secondly, to attach serious importance to quality of growth and making it sustainable; raising the quality and efficiency of the economy while sustaining a reasonable growth rate and macro-economic stability.

Thirdly, to lay emphasis on closely combining economic growth with execution of social progress and equity; ensuring social security care for the people, particularly the poor and inhabitants of remote areas, especially in the context of economic difficulty and recession.

Fourthly, to pay particular attention to consolidating and building the Party politically, ideologically and organisationally; develop a contingent of cadres and Party members who are politically steadfast, clean in ethics and lifestyle, with high combativeness and professional proficiency.

Fifthly, leadership and guidance should be sharp, determines and creative, closely following the realities of the country; attach importance to forecasting while suggesting solutions relevant to new situations.

VIBRANT DISCUSSIONS

The discussions in the Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, in the words of the new general secretary, were “heated and democratic”. They focussed on a range of issues centred around how to apply and develop Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh thought creatively in accordance with the new global context and specific conditions of Vietnam.

CPV Central Committee member and Editor-in-Chief of Communist Review, Party ideological monthly, while participating in the discussion highlighted the need to creatively apply Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thoughts in the transitional period to socialism in Vietnam. He said “The course of implementing the renewal policy over the past 25 years has shown that the more our national construction and development advance, the more complicated and difficult issues we will face, which will place our country in new opportunities as well as new challenges.”

Many delegates underscored the need to develop multi-sectoral economy in which the State-run economy plays a key role. In addition, State-owned enterprises (SoEs) need equitising to be turned into major economic groups under the strict control of the State so that SoEs can perform well its role as an economic engine. The government should hold sway in managing businesses. To help businesses deal with their losses or low profits, the State needs to revamp institutions and management mechanisms for investment and the use of State capital and assets to offer favourable conditions for businesses to be more active, dynamic and creative in production and business.

CPV Central Committee member and president of Vietnam General Conferderation of Labour, Dang Ngoc Tung, in his speech stressed the necessity of building a strong Vietnamese working class – a force on the nation's path to industrialisation and modernisation. He noted that although the working class accounts for only 21 per cent of the country's total labour force and 11 per cent of the population, it contributes more than 60 per cent of social products and 70 per cent of the State budget. He stressed the need to provide more training in politics to the working class and imbibe them with greater national spirit.

Given the rapid advancement in economy, there is an associated problem of corruption that is plaguing the government and the Party. CPV Central Committee member and chief of the the Central Office on Anti-Corruption, Vu Tien Chien while participating in the discussion called on Party committees from all levels and Party leaders to take a lead in the fight against corruption. He stressed the link of successfully fighting this menace in order to win the people's confidence and also help in promoting socio-economic development of the country. Conceding that the struggle against corruption is a complex and difficult struggle, he wanted the participation of all citizens in the struggle.

Both in the discussions as well as in the Political Report, the danger posed by hostile forces has been highlighted. These forces continue to execute “peaceful evolution” scheme, stir up subversive unrest and use “democracy” and “human rights” covers in order to change the political system of the country. In this context it has been noted how the People's Army and People's Police have proactively contributed in preventing and defeating the hostile forces' ploys of “peaceful evolution”.

The Eleventh Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam concluded with the call to the entire Party, people, army and overseas Vietnamese to further uphold the glorious tradition of the nation and Party and promote patriotism, self-reliance and persistence in pursuing national independence and socialism. It affirmed that “only socialism can ensure genuine independence and freedom for our nation, prosperity and development for our country, and a life of plenty and happiness for our people”. Despite the apparent difficulties arising out of both national and international factors, the more than eighty years of fighting history of the Communist Party of Vietnam gives us the confidence that it will definitely overcome these challenges and emerge victorious, as always.

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org/

HARYANA: COMBAT MACHINATIONS OF CASTIST FORCES - Inderjit Singh

THERE are reports of the Haryana chief minister Bhupender Singh Hooda succeeding in pursuading the agitators to agree for lifting the weeklong rail and road blockage, as we go to the press. Several villagers of Mirchpur, supported by others, had blocked the Jind –Ferozpur railway line near Julani village of Jind district. Later with several khaps jumping into it, more roads were also blocked, thus affecting directly almost half of geographical territories of Haryana. They insist that all those arrested for arson and murder in Mirchpur incident were innocents and hence be released. What really transpired between the chief minister and Mirchpur committee at Kaithal on January 24 is yet to be made public, it is understood that Haryana government has conveyed its readiness to take certain steps towards bringing about a ‘compromise’ between the aggrieved Balmiki community and the perpetrators of arson in April 2010.

It is to be recalled that in the ignominious Mirchpur episode of Hisar district, more than twenty homes of Balmiki community were burnt to ashes by some people of a particular caste led by vandals. Most heinous part of the orgy of violence was the tragic death of a handicapped girl student and her aged father.

The most outrageous incident of dalit atrocity obviously came in for countrywide condemnation across political spectrum by justice loving people, mass media etc and taken cognisance also by the higher judiciary. Strangely enough, it was none other than Haryana chief minister himself who calculatedly refrained from condemning this ghastly crime and rather stopped only at calling it ‘unfortunate’. As a matter of fact, it was this very casual and irresponsible attitude of the politicians at the helm that ultimately brought this case to the point of total fiasco as far as imparting justice to the victims was concerned.

The Congress (I) government’s lack of commitment to the rule of law and lukewarm attitude towards social justice has been giving rise to recurrence of such episodes in the past and more particularly this time also. The administration initially was quite reluctant to arrest the culprits. The CPI(M) state committee had demanded the main culprits to be identified and arrested so that victims could get some sense of security. But it was not done, obviously at the instance of political bosses.

Such inaction on part of the government came to be severely criticised by the high judiciary and all justice loving people. Then they made indiscriminate arrests taking the total accused to one hundred. It is believed that many among the arrested were not involved in perpetration of the crime. This naturally has generated anger within the village and family members of the falsely implicated youth. It is actually this aspect of the whole development that was exploited maximum from the side of the actual culprits. Women were made to gherao the bus of members of parliament of various parties who went to Mirchpur to meet the affected families. About a dozen witnesses were pressurised into turning hostile while deposing in the trial court at Hisar. Local pressure was increased on the Balmikis to submit affidavits denying involvement of those facing trail. These developments forced them to flee from the village and seek refuge first in Hisar and then in Delhi. In this situation, the Supreme Court ordered the transfer of trial to Rohini court in New Delhi and all accused too were transferred to Tihar jail. This step drastically reduced the maneuverability of the dominating side and made them quite nervous.

The rail and road jam continued for over a week causing incalculable difficulties to the common people. There have been strikes, bandhs and satyagrihas against government policies, which have also been organised in the past by political parties, trade unions etc, but the essential services were usually exempted from being disrupted. Moreover, such actions in the larger interests of the public are declared well in advance and for a specific period. But in those cases, the sick, the elders, maternity cases etc. were often not stopped from being shifted. Such insensitivity on part of the agitating crowd has left a wide- spread criticism of the means that were resorted to.

Secondly, the high headedness displayed and glorified in the name of caste for over a week has sadly left the caste divide in Haryana further deepened. This aspect actually has to be tackled and combated by all democratic and progressive forces during the immediate future.

Apart from this, what the media or newspaper editorials have generally missed is the backdrop and context of series of other similar incidents of atrocities on dalits and weaker sections during recent decades like Duleena, Gohana, Harsaula etc. Besides this, what is more important for the sake of grasping the ongoing phenomenon is to understand the scenario in Haryana including aggressive caste mobilisation in the name of Gotra or Khap and the way caste sentiments were generated by the means used during the agitation launched demanding reservations for Jats, only recently.

One has to take into account the larger picture not in Haryana alone but in the rest of the country as well. As a result of neoliberal path of development, the vast trail of destruction has come about in all spheres of life of the people. Agricultural crisis is fast affecting the economic condition of the peasantry. Price rise and unemployment continue to compound the miseries of ordinary people. Disparities are more visible now than ever before. Poor peasants, dalits, women and other weaker sections are made to bear most of the brunt. They are facing continuous marginalisation not only economically but also are made more vulnerable socially as well.

The pent up anger is bound to find expression in united struggles aiming at reversal of the anti-people development trajectory in favour of the overwhelming majority of people, rather than the corporate sector and big business conglomerates. Such manifestation can be seen in resistance against land acquisition at a dozen of places in Haryana alone.

We can also simultaneously take note of a definite sense of assertion among dalits and women for self dignity and for a share in whatever developmental benefits accruing to others. Let us remember that it is the accumulating anger coupled with sense of assertion which is sought to be diverted in caste consolidation or other narrow and parochial identities. It is in this specific context that the most regressive form of identity politics is systematically being practiced by all kinds of forces including several NGOs of various hues with dubious credentials. Sectarian social identities are sought to be accorded legitimacy in order to keep the suffering people disunited and unorganized; illusory and pseudo consciousness constantly being reinforced in order to keep the class consciousness at bay.

Vested interests among all castes are investing overtime at caste consolidation and every act of excess or atrocity is seen from the caste prism only. So there is a dangerous trend of judging the social excesses not on merit but by the faulty vision of the caste affiliation of the offender and the victim.

It is, therefore, incumbent upon all mass organisations and democratic movement to remain more vigilant against machinations of castiest divide being practiced as a political strategy these days. They will have to give more attention to social issues of caste and gender discrimination along with demands of economic exploitation and livelihood related issues.

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org/

MEMORANDUM OF LEFT PARTIES TO THE ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA

A delegation comprising Sitaram Yechury, MP (leader, Rajya Sabha), member, Polit Bureau, CPI(M), A B Bardhan, general secretary, CPI, Basudev Acharia, MP (leader, Lok Sabha), CPI(M), Nilotpal Basu, member, Central Secretariat, CPI(M), Abani Roy, secretary, RSP , Debabrata Biswas general secretary, AIFB and Pallab Sengupta member, Central Executive Committee, CPI, met the Election Commission and handed over the following memorandum on January 21, 2011.

WHILE drawing your attention to certain urgent issues which can adversely affect the conduct of peaceful, free and fair elections for the West Bengal assembly, we would first like to take this opportunity to thank you for appropriately responding to the issues raised by our delegation on August 27, 2010.

To recapitulate, we had brought to your notice that an unusually large number, – 56,19,057 Form-6 applications, were submitted for being included in the draft electoral rolls. Now that the final figures are available, we are broadly satisfied with the results of your intervention. We had maintained that the revision of the rolls should ensure that no genuine voter should be excluded and, at the same time, no fictitious name should be included. The completion of the exercise shows that 37,57,385 names were added which means roughly 20 lakh Form-6 applications were rejected in the due process. Your intervention to ensure this result has been a point of satisfaction, while our apprehension that large number of names are being sought to be included is also substantiated.

We would now like to underline the major challenge that threatens the holding of peaceful and free and fair elections in the state. As you are aware, in certain districts of the state, the Maoists have unleashed a campaign of violence. The spree of violence is pronounced in the three districts of Bankura, Purulia and West Midnapur. These are districts which have their borders with Orissa and Jharkhand and have large tracts of forest. The topography of the area is conducive to pursue a strategy of unleashing violence and terror which the Maoists are obsessed with. The Commission is obviously aware of the position of the Maoists that they have declared that they will not be part of the Indian parliamentary system, hence not participate in the elections. The special feature of the Maoist violence in West Bengal is the largely targeted killings of activists, leaders and organisers of the Left parties. These arise out of their nature of politics which derives from a deep-seated antipathy towards the organised Left.

To further inform you, the Naxalite movement which arose in the late sixties and early seventies had similarly targeted the organised Left and the CPI(M) alone had lost 550 cadres in the space of one and a half years of worst violence at that stage. However, they had gone into subsequent disarray and had all but disappeared from the state.

However, in their present incarnation they display a more degenerate and anti-people campaign of violence – this is a very major disturbing feature. They are conniving with the major opposition party – the Trinamul Congress. The process of coming together of the Maoists and the Trinamul Congress had taken place during the Nandigram events. But this has now developed further and cemented in achieving their common goal of undermining and defeating the Left even at the cost of the politics of violence and depredation. The current situation of violence has escalated over the last two years since the Trinamul Congress improved its electoral performance in the 2008 panchayat elections in West Bengal. This is graphically demonstrated from the figures of political clashes and consequent killings from the table below.

INTER PARTY CLASHES AND KILLINGS IN WEST BENGAL

Year	No of Incidents	No of people killed
2001	434	88
2002	191	63
2003	466	66
2004	262	32
2005	145	15
2006	246	40
2007	189	28
2008	1094	60
2009	1115	106
Upto 31.10.2010	943	95

Based on data from NCRB

It is well known that of the 333 civilians killed in the three Maoist violence-affected districts in 2009 and 2010, around 230 belonged to the Left parties. In no other Maoist violence-affected state can you find such a large number of civilian casualties, nor do they consist of political opponents of the Maoists.

The campaign of violence by the Maoists is proving to be so worrisome and lethal because of the overt and covert support they receive from the Trinamul Congress. There is a large account of evidence and media reports underlining the reality of Maoist-TMC nexus. We append this as Annexure – I.

We are also giving certain specific information about this in Annexure – II which establishes operational coordination between the two. The latest startling instance is the detention of Karmu Mahato reportedly the Jhargram block president of the TMC by the Orissa police and subsequently arrested by Jhargram police in Cuttack. The arrest of Karmu in Cuttack was in the wake of him accompanying two injured Maoist gang members in a landmine blast for medical treatment. This incident has been widely reported in the press.

We are also appending in Annexure – III excerpts from Kabir Suman’s – a sitting Trinamul MP – autobiographical narrative which establishes the participation of Mamta Banerjee and Saugata Roy, ministers of the present UPA government, with Maoist linkmen Prasun Chattopadhyaya and Raja Sarkhel in the Trinamul Congress headquarters in Kolkata. These two have been subsequently arrested under UAPA and have been in jail custody as ordered by the court. The discussion centres around the possible ways of intervention in Nandigram where implicitly the Maoists would also be involved. In fact, the media had earlier widely reported the confession of Madhusudan Mondal, since arrested, who happened to be the Nandigram zonal committee secretary of the CPI (Maoist) confirming their association with the TMC. There are also media reports about the statement by Kishanji reportedly the Polit Bureau member of CPI (Maoist) operating in West Bengal to the effect that they would like to see Mamta Banerjee as the next chief minister of West Bengal. Other Maoist leaders also have issued similar statements and after publication of these, there have been no subsequent denials.

Since June 2009, when the central paramilitary forces have started joint operations with the state police, the situation has gradually improved. This can be seen from the large number of arrests of Maoists including their top leadership in the state. A large number of cases have been initiated and a large cache of arms has been recovered. This has also enabled the state government to improve the implementation of developmental programmes in the affected areas and resumption of political activities by different political parties have also begun to a certain extent. Importantly, in response to the gruesome killings and other acts of depredation by the Maoists, a large number of people in these three districts have come out to collectively protest and isolate the Maoists. This has also been a key factor for the success of the joint operations.

However, the threat of violence still remains as the Maoist terror apparatus is yet to be completely dismantled. On the other hand, the Trinamul Congress emboldened by the association with such a force has also continued with their own version of violence against political opponents in some of the other south Bengal districts. This violence has led to the eviction of substantial number of Left supporters and workers from their homes. They face the threat of not freely and fairly exercising their franchise. The most serious situation is in some pockets of East Midnapur – like Nandigram and Khejuri. If you so wish, we can furnish a detailed list for all such constituencies and booths subsequently.

In the light of all these, we feel constrained to point out that the prime minister’s observation, “Maoist violence is the single biggest threat to the internal security of the country” should be unexceptionable to everybody concerned. The heart of our parliamentary democratic system is the process of elections which have come to be invested with a great degree of legitimacy because of its largely peaceful, free and fair conduct under the superintendence and guidance of the Election Commission of India.

We, therefore, urge you that despite the improvement of the situation, significant challenges remain for the holding of peaceful, free and fair elections, given the spree of violence let loose by the Trinamul Congress with the active connivance of the Maoists in the Jangalmahal areas which is the central factor which can undermine the due electoral process.

(Annexures have not been reproduced here – Ed)

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org/

M. A. BABY: THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON KERALA STUDIES THE LEGACY OF DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT DISCOURSE

THE International Congress on Kerala Studies convened at Trivandrum during January 1-3, 2011 by the AKG Centre for Research and Studies turned out to be a big success far outstripping the expectations of even the organisers. This was true in terms of the number of papers presented, the number of delegates registered, participation in discussions, spread and depth of issues deliberated upon, debates generated in media and society at large, publications brought out, and above all the lessons it leaves for development policy making and future struggles. Around 700 papers were presented in ten symposia and 77 technical sessions. Participants included nearly 3000 registered delegates and around 500 others who could not be given registration but allowed to attend the sessions. The approach paper prepared by the organisers and the papers submitted by the participants were published and circulated in advance. The new wave of development dialogue generated by the international congress has not yet subsided. It is being carried on in the media and numerous other forums. Interestingly, the Congress party in the state is now trying to match by organising a similar exercise. The approach paper of the international congress will be uploaded in the congress website soon for facilitating further discussion. The revised approach paper will be published later in Marxist Samvadam, a theoretical journal published by the AKG Centre for Research and Studies.

THE BACKGROUND

What the international congress represents is the rich legacy of democratic development discourse in the state. The present one in fact was the third international congress on Kerala Studies. The earlier two editions were of immense impact on development thinking and policy making in the state. The first congress took place in 1994 under the leadership of E M S Namboodiripad, one of the stalwarts of Indian communist movement, who was also the first chief minister of the state. But, the history of such participatory development dialogue in the state goes further back. The 1957 EMS government, which was the first ever communist led government to come to power through ballot, had the unenviable task of developing an alternative programme, which would help further the cause of welfare of the people and development of the state without breaking the limits imposed by the constitution and the federal structure of the country. The alternative programme was evolved through a long drawn out process of dialogue, struggles and experimentation. In this, the state conference of the Party held in Thrissur during June 22-24, 1956 and its resolutions had a central role.

It was acceleration of global political and economic changes during 1980s and early 1990s that prompted the AKG Centre for Research and Studies to convene the first international congress on Kerala Studies in 1994. The first congress was a massive participatory exercise which brought together nearly 1500 participants, drawn from among scholars, political leaders, social activists, etc to review the state’s development experience till then and to deliberate on a new development agenda. The first congress was instrumental in originating and developing a large number of new development initiatives including the People’s Campaign for Planning in the state.

The second congress was convened in 2005 in the context of major reverses suffered by the regional economy and society on account of the introduction of neo-liberal economic reforms. It helped build broad consensus against such reforms that threatened even the basic virtues of the Kerala model of development besides setting a clear programme for putting the train of Kerala development back on the right track. The present state government, which assumed power immediately after the second congress was trying to do exactly what the second congress suggested. Any impartial assessment would prove that the past five years have been of great fulfillment. It is the success of the present state government and the state’s economy at large that motivated us at the AKG Centre for Research and Studies to convene the third international congress on Kerala studies. As the approach paper suggests the state has already moved on to a higher trajectory of growth. In fact, since late 1980s the state’s economy has been maintaining growth rates on par or even above the national averages. Moreover, in recent years the performance of the state has witnessed major advancements in the area of physical as well as social infrastructure, social welfare and social security networks, and above all in public finance. The state has been able to overcome some of the seemingly insurmountable barriers to development. But, there are remaining as well as new challenges to ponder about. It was in this context that we decided to launch the third edition of the international congress to review the state’s development experience especially of the recent past and to set the development agenda for the next decade or so.

THE TASKS AHEAD

The inaugural speech of Prakash Karat, general secretary of the CPI (M) was a thorough review of earlier editions of the congress, which showed how the insights generated by them helped the state in defending its past gains from the onslaughts of neo-liberal policies. He highlighted the need to continue the resistance against such policies of the central government to build on the historical strengths of the region as well as to consolidate the recent gains. For full text of the speech see People’s Democracy issue dated January 9, 2010. The presidential address of V S Achuthanandan, chief minister of the state, was a comprehensive report on the achievements of the government. S Ramchandran Pillai, Pinarayi Vijayan, Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, C Divakaran, N K Premachandran and O N V Kurup were among the speakers of the inaugural session. The approach paper was presented in the inaugural session by T M Thomas Issac.

The international congress perhaps is the first forum to recognise the progress of the state to a higher trajectory of development. The approach paper of the congress establishes this by analysing the growth episodes of the state since independence. Achievement of higher growth rates over the past two decades is reflected in the quality of life indices as well. But according to the approach paper, the higher economic growth has raised several challenges that need to be addressed urgently. First of all the tempo of high growth needs to be made sustainable. Secondly, the state should address the challenge of fighting inequalities, which tended to grow fast when economic growth picked up momentum. Third, the state should be able to find solution to the problem of acute unemployment. Fourth, the development process of the state should be made more gender sensitive and balanced. Fifth, it should be made more environment-friendly and sustainable. Last, but perhaps the most important goal is the need to maintain and strengthen secular, democratic, peaceful and progressive environment of social life in the state, which is a critical precondition for all advancement.

The high SDP growth registered during the past two decades was largely confined to the services sector. The agriculture sector of the state tended to lag far back as represented by systematic decline in the share of the sector in SDP. It was food production, which suffered the most. The secondary sector, including industries grew faster than the primary sector, but not fast enough to improve its share in SDP. Only making it more broad based can ensure sustainability of high growth. Both agriculture and industry should grow to sustain the tempo of growth in the economy as a whole as well as the services sector. Achievements of the present government suggest that it is possible. The present government has succeeded in reversing the trend of secular decline in food production. After long years of sustained decline, production of rice, milk, eggs, meat, vegetables and other food products started increasing in the state. The commercial crops, which continue to suffer from the shock of the East Asian currency crisis is now limping back to the growth path. One important contribution of the present government has been in the area of public enterprises. The previous UDF government, in their enthusiasm to emulate the masters in Delhi, was trying to disinvest and sell off the public sector units. By waving the magic wand of commitment, the LDF government has rehabilitated nearly all of them. Most of them are now making profits. Moreover the state government is in the process of launching many new public sector industrial units. The success in the public sector is slowly spreading into the private sector industries as well which has also picked up in terms of annual growth rates. The international congress outlined various measures to strengthen the success story in agriculture as well as industry. The spirit of the measures recommended is not that of a withdrawing and retreating state but that of active state involvement and leadership.

The state should play a very important role in building up physical as well as social infrastructure facilities. The public investment in roads, harbors, ports, metro railway, airports, energy, etc needs to be stepped up substantially. In industry, common facilities should be established. Growth in production should be supported by quantitative and qualitative improvement in the education. The congress outlined a well laid out strategy to further the achievements in the education sector. The state should strive to grow into a knowledge society. It has also proposed measures to overcome the present crisis in the construction sector, which is worsened by the shortage of construction materials.

The congress identified growing inequalities as the leading weakness of the recent growth in the state. The lowest 30 per cent of the population is suffering from increasing vulnerabilities and deprivation. It proposed a comprehensive social security programme to face the challenge of growing inequalities. It will strive to ensure security of welfare to all sections of the people by ensuring every household housing, health, education, electricity, sanitation and other minimum facilities. The state has already shown that such an ambitious programme is not beyond its reach. Its past achievements in these areas, and more recent success stories in health insurance as well as electricity give credence to the programme.

ROLE OF MEDIA

Media has played a responsible role as a corrective force in Indian society, but at times, a casual and irresponsible approach is shown by sections of the media. The session ‘Whither Media’ discussed the role of the media in playing a corrective role and the aberrations in media ethics in the recent past. N Ram, editor-in-chief, The Hindu gave an exhaustive opening presentation in the session. Sashikumar of Asian School of Journalism was the moderator. P Sainath, Fredrik Laurin(Swedish Public Broadcasting), Prabha Varma and R Parvathi Devi made presentations in the session.

Sitaram Yechury, Polit Bureau member of the CPI(M) inaugurated the special session on the role of the transitional governments and explained the role played by the Left governments in providing alternatives to the neoliberal agenda followed by the successive governments at the centre. Professor Carlos Alzugaray Treto of University of Havana explained in detail the initiatives and achievements of the Cuban government, resisting the attack by the imperialistic forces. The initiatives of the Hugo Chavez government were summarised by Milena Ramirez, ambassador of Venezuela. Fuad Cassim, special advisor to finance minister of South Africa and Prabhat Patnaik made presentations in the session. V V Dakshinamoorthy chaired the session.

The concluding speech was made by Pinarayi Vijayan, Polit Bureau member and state secretary of the CPI(M). He stressed the importance of implementing developmental projects at a fast pace without losing time and the necessity to address environmental issues in a dialectical manner. M A Baby presided over the concluding session. T M Thomas Issac presented the main conclusions arrived at different thematic sessions. C K Chandrappan, M V Govindan Master and C P Narayanan also spoke.

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org/