Friday, January 1, 2021
CLASS IMPLICATIONS **************************************************In addition to the global crisis, the Indian economy was in a tailspin as a consequence of both the demonetisation and GST implementation leading to a consistent decline in the GDP growth rate over the last few years. The Indian ruling classes were in search for further avenues to maintain and maximise their levels of profit in the background of the recession of the Indian economy, the impact of the Covid pandemic and the unplanned abrupt lockdown. The bourgeois-landlord ruling classes in India, led by the big bourgeoisie, using the trajectory of neo-liberal economic reforms has been further consolidating its efforts for maximisation of profits. The loot of national assets, the large-scale privatisation of the public sector, the handing over of all public wealth like mines etc., and public services to the private sector accompanied by abrogation of labour rights are a part of this process. This ongoing historic struggle of the peasantry has sharply brought out the efforts by the leadership of the Indian ruling classes to acquire corporate control over agriculture for its profit maximisation. A new class conflict is, thus, arising between the big bourgeoisie, in collaboration with international finance capital and the entire peasantry, including the rich peasants and landlords. Secondly, conflicts amongst the ruling class partners are also emerging between the big bourgeoisie, on the one hand, and the non-big bourgeoisie, particularly those belonging to the MSME sector, on the other. Thirdly, BJP’s drive to establish its complete political hegemony in the country by destroying the federal structure of our Constitution and, in its place, erect a unitary State structure is creating conflicts between the central government and elected state governments. Some regional parties, who head state governments, who were supporters of the BJP in the Parliament and those who vacillated and remained largely neutral in their support to the BJP in the Parliament, are being forced by this hegemonic drive of the BJP to come out in opposition, particularly during this ongoing kisan struggle. The emergence of such conflicts amongst the ruling class partners creates possibilities that must be utilised by the exploiting classes, particularly the working class, poor peasantry and agricultural labour, to intensify the class battles against the bourgeois-landlord class order. Such possibilities for advancing the class struggle have emerged with the growing coordination between the working-class trade union movement, peasantry and the agricultural labour. Such developments began much earlier and since 2018 made significant advances through joint movements of these sections. The November 26 all-India general strike call by the central trade unions converged with the calls by the kisan organisations on November 26-27 and the call for `Delhi Chalo’. This growing unity in struggles will, surely, be strengthened further in the coming period. Simultaneously, this period of intense class offensive mounted by the ruling classes along with the sharpening of communal polarisation and the undermining of the Indian Constitution is laying the ground for growing popular struggles against the policies of the present BJP central government. Such joint united struggles as well as the struggles on independent demands of different sections of the people like women, students, youth, dalits, tribals are bound to intensify in the coming period. These must be further strengthened. The BJP’s efforts to intensify the class offensive against the Indian people must be met and challenged by counter-class offensive by the exploited classes and sections of our people.
